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Recently a student asked, "Why are the Democrats
always stirring up trouble?'' Since local affairs reporting in the
Chinese-language press sometimes differs dramatically from English-language
local news, I asked him to clarify.
``Democrats demand Tung Chee-hwa step down. He does, they complain. Democrats
want to reform the chief executive election in 2007, but when Beijing says
Donald Tsang can only stay until 2007, Democrats insist the Basic Law says he
must serve five years, until 2010. Democrats know Beijing wants Tsang, but they
make Lee Wing-tat run against him. They know Lee cannot win. Why do they do
this? Why do they always cause trouble and oppose everything?''
Good questions.
Even after filling in as acting chief executive for a few weeks, Tsang is
obviously so much more competent than Tung at running the government that most
people just want to forget the Tung era ever happened. Yet the Democratic Party
seems to insist on raining on the parade, no matter who's leading it, no matter
what tune the band plays, and no matter what direction it marches.
I am not a Democratic Party apologist or a member of any party in Hong Kong.
Like many expatriate professionals, I'm probably closer in policy outlook to
the Article 45 Concern Group than the often populist Democrats.
What I want, and what most people want, is good government. But getting it is
the trick, a bit like John D Rockefeller's reply when asked how to get rich:
``Buy low, sell high.'' Sage advice. Absolutely fool-proof. Pulling it off
regularly is the catch.
Democrats fundamentally believe good government is not a matter of outcome but
process. Since Confucius, Chinese governance theory has held that good
character and good education makes for good rulers. With good rulers and good
government, the good outcome wished for was reached.
Hence the eight-legged essay on Confucian classics as the civil service entry
test - education on how to be good as a means to winnow the good man and ensure
good government.
In reality, mandarins were expected to do whatever it took to achieve the
imperial government's objectives. Tax farmers delivered agreed sums to
government, full stop. Though form counted, especially preserving the
appearances of obedience and harmony, outcome, not good character, was what
really mattered.
Such attitudes survived the collapse of empire, nationalists, warlords and
communists.
That is why China's government struggles to implement what they describe as
``rule by law.'' Cadres should follow written rules governing what is
permissible or required instead of delivering results, no questions asked.
The difference between outcome and process is a matter of ends versus means. For
example, while rape and making love might both end in pregnancy, the way
impregnation occurred makes all the difference. Even if the impregnator-rapist
were a husband or supposed lover, and even if the mother loves the offspring,
means matters.
Process-focused regimes forbid things like torture while result-dominant regimes
tend to cross the line. Even America, where legal systems traditionally
emphasize process over outcomes, wandered astray at Abu Ghraib. Winning a war
outweighed the ethics of the means chosen to wage it.
Democrats believe having good government is the objective, but to ensure it
regularly occurs, and to ensure that if a government is not good it will be
replaced with one that is, is to insist that processes be scrupulously followed
at all times. This is what they mean by ``rule of law.''
Though Democrats strongly support chief executive election reform in 2007, they
believe more strongly that the rules as set down constitutionally must be
followed. Even if the outcome is good this time - ensuring reform in 2007 and
putting a competent person in charge - breaking process weakens the overall
power of the law to constrain bad behavior.
History proves the Democrats right.
The first National People's Congress interpretation in 1999 followed a Court of
Final Appeal ruling. The government should have amended the Basic Law then, but
arguably they had a constitutional right to appeal for clarification.
But there was no legal case or government appeal before last April's unilateral
NPC intervention that interpreted away Hong Kong's right to debate, litigate,
if need be, then appeal to central authorities on the 2007-08 reforms.
This year our government has short-circuited legal procedures altogether
mid-case in its haste to ensure an outcome: an election of the chief executive
by the present Election Committee on July 10 before its term expires.
This outcome-dominated thinking threatens our process-oriented Basic Law and
common law constitutional tradition.
Rules really are made to be followed, not broken.
degolyer@hkbu.edu.hk
Michael DeGolyer is associate professor, government and international
studies, at Hong Kong Baptist University
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